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The Golden Mean
The Case for Libertarian Politics and Conservative Values
by Nelson Hultberg
July 30, 2005

[ Softcover, 330 pages ]

Please note: The Golden Mean should be out sometime in the next year. If you are interested in receiving a notice when it is released, please email your name and postal mail address to:  nhultberg@afr.org and request to be put on our notification list.

Brief Summary of the Book

Ever since the early sixties, the dream of many on the political right has been to unite libertarians and constitutional conservatives against the real enemy on the left. For only in this way can the forces of freedom become strong enough to check the relentless advance of modern day statism. The Golden Mean puts forth a blueprint that should finally bring about this long awaited unification.

TGM is much more, though, than a paean to the libertarian and conservative movements in America. It is a paradigm shifting book that will dramatically change the way we look at political theory and the idea of a free society. What it says will linger in readers' minds for the rest of their lives.

The book is meant for both the scholar and the educated general reader. It is a composite of five essays dealing with Aristotle's famous Law of the Mean, i.e., Golden Mean, and how it applies to the great questions of politics, economics and ethics. It fills a very important void in the literature of political philosophy because it formulates a theory of political organization around which both libertarians and conservatives can coalesce.

It is important to understand that this means genuine "constitutional" conservatives rather than today's "neo" conservatives. Neo-conservatives are vehement big government advocates. Many of them are ex-socialists who started calling themselves conservatives in the 1970s, but have never ceased in their advocacy of massive centralized government and an overthrow of the classical liberal order that spawned the American Republic in 1787.

Neo-conservatives (such as William Kristol, Bill Buckley, Newt Gingrich, etc.) are pretenders to the idea of a free society and its philosophical requisites. They have capitulated to the collectivist's fundamental morality and thus are destroying what our country is supposed to be all about. On the other hand, constitutional conservatives (such as Thomas Sowell, Clyde Wilson, Walter Williams, Ron Paul, etc.) support a strictly limited government, i.e., the original concept of freedom upon which America was founded.

The political philosopher, Frank Meyer, attempted in the 1960s to bring about a unification of libertarians and constitutional conservatives, but regrettably was unsuccessful. His allegiance to National Review's bellicose foreign policy (which has morphed into today's neo-conservative drive for "world hegemony") was the main reason for his failure. Since then the two movements have gone off in their own direction and consequently have dissipated their power.

No successful challenge to authoritarian statism can ever take place, however, without a unity of these two political ideologies. This unity is the crucial missing ingredient of today's Freedom Movement. What has been lacking since the beginning of our cause is a rational theory that can bring these two groups together to restore the original Republic of states that Jefferson and the Founders envisioned. The Golden Mean accomplishes this theoretical unification.

 

Chapter Outlines

Chapter One -- Rights, Equality and the Vital Center

The purpose here is to explain Aristotle's "doctrine of the mean" to the reader and how it can be used to judge the propriety of such things as political systems. Much of Chapter One is devoted to demonstrating that the doctrine of the mean is a natural law instilled into reality that can be used theoretically to establish what the "universal political good" is for man. The Founding Fathers' vision of government was the Golden Mean. It was meant to prevail, not just for the 19th century, but for all of time.

Chapter Two -- The Great Moral Ideal

Ayn Rand's fundamental message in her 1957 mega-novel, Atlas Shrugged, was that all dictatorial political systems have their root in the moral code of altruism -- a code of servility and sacrifice practiced for thousands of years and modernized by the 19th century French philosopher Auguste Comte. Altruism, Rand maintained, was incompatible with capitalism (which is dependent upon self-interest), and thus it must be replaced with a code of rational egoism if capitalism is to survive. This was provocative stuff, and it launched the modern libertarian movement. However, while Rand was right about altruism, she was blatantly wrong about egoism being the antidote that would save capitalism. I demonstrate why this is so, and show the reader what the true "moral ideal" is.

Chapter Three -- Truth's Trojan Horse

The roots of the modern dilemma lie in numerous ideological falsehoods uncritically accepted during the latter 19th century. No doctrine has been more pernicious than Auguste Comte's philosophy of "positivism." Its premise -- that there are no objective moral truths to be found in reality -- has led to the socio-political ailments plaguing our world today. Positivism has descended, like acid rain, upon our lives to obliterate the vital notion of natural law that sustained free civilization for centuries. I outline for the reader why the older notion of a universal natural law must be resurrected if we are to restore a free, ordered, prosperous and humane way of life.

Chapter Four -- The Failure of the Non-Aggression Principle

Ayn Rand put the libertarian movement on the map in the 1960s; but her philosophy contained several flawed premises that are inhibiting libertarian growth among intellectuals in the West. Because of their embrace of Randian ideology, libertarians have thus created a philosophical movement that cannot get successfully launched as it is presently constructed. I expose the major error of their present futility -- Rand's non-aggression principle -- how it stifles the launching of libertarianism as a viable alternative to statism, and what must be done to restructure the libertarian ship to give it the strength to prevail.

Chapter Five -- How then Should We Govern?

Why did the Founders' Constitution fail to contain the growth of government beyond the 19th century? As always, the root of the problem is found in false ideas. In this case, there are several whoppers that have brought about freedom's downfall in a political sense. But there is one fundamental fallacy that transcends all the subsidiary errors. This is the notion that the state cannot govern properly and effectively unless it has the power to convey privileges to special interest groups so as to "promote the common good." This theory has been held for centuries to be the purpose of government, and was not adequately addressed in the Founders' political vision. Consequently, it lingered implicitly in the background to contaminate the growth of America as a nation. It is the primary cause of our runaway government today. This chapter explains how and why we must correct the problem.

Chapter Six -- One Final Word

This is a brief three page summation of the book to inspire the reader to utilize what has been learned to help restore the Founders' vision of a free and ordered Constitutional Republic, then advance it, in Ralph Tyler Flewelling's words, "to its highest possible perfection."

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To read an excerpt from the book, "The Political Spectrum Con," CLICK HERE

 

© 2005  Email Nelson Hultberg .... Author's Bio .... More articles by Nelson Hultberg

 

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